Open Source Archives

We strive to facilitate interdisciplinary collaboration and the implementation of progressive and  participatory research methods, with the goal of generating tangible, durable changes in the way research about Haiti is conceptualized, implemented and applied.

ABOUT US

Research Hub & Open Source Archives

EKO HAITI Research Hub is a research and knowledge mobilization platform focused on creative, collaborative and interdisciplinary research and associated research-based learning. We aim to become the intellectual “home” for research about Haiti by creating and providing open access to the largest crowdsourced research archive dedicated to Haiti, by fostering cross-disciplinary research and innovation, and by providing support for progressive research in the form of contextual expertise and training.

“The trees fall from time to time, but the voice of the forest never loses its power. Life begins.”

Jacques Alexis, Les Arbres Musiciens (Paris, 1957)
Haiti-bezienswaardigheden
LITTERATURE
HAITIAN LITTERATURE
Haiti is the birthplace of a rich literary heritage that deserves more attention. Haitian authors open a window into this Caribbean nation’s vibrant culture and tumultuous history.

Haiti-bezienswaardigheden
SPECIAL COLLECTIONS
ANTHROPOLOGY
EKO HAITI collections include all works, published and unpublished by Anthropologists Gerald Murray, Glenn Smucker and Timothy Schwartz
Haiti-bezienswaardigheden
PHOTOGRAPHY ARCHIVE
HAITI IN PICTURES
Dedicated to the late great, Kreyolicious (Katheline St. Fort), our photographs archives holds a large collection of images dating back to the late 1800's .
Haiti-bezienswaardigheden
DEVELOPMENT ARCHIVE
DEVELOPMENT RESEARCH
40 years of development reports, evaluations and survey databases many of which are not publicly available, are buried in drawers, closets, private libraries of NGOs and government donors.

ORAL HISTORIES

Oral histories are a powerful tool in developing historical understanding

Oral history offers an alternative to conventional history, filling gaps in traditional research with personal accounts of historically significant events or simply life in a specific place and time. Oral histories do more than provide charming details to dry historical accounts. In fact, oral histories help others recapture lived experiences that are not written down in traditional sources.

> Transcripts archive

" Bwa pi wo di li wè lwen, men grenn pwomennen di li wè pi lwen pase l "

The tallest tree says that it sees far, but the seed that travels says that it sees even further.

GET INVOLVED

Support EKO HAITI

As an independent institute, we rely on crowdsourcing and donations to continue expanding the depth and scope of our archives.  Your contribution enable us to provide open access to a vast collection of ethnographic and research material which in turn aims at fostering further research and contribute to a better understanding of the country.

Few Latin-American countries have been more cursed with “chronic wrongdoing and impotence” than the Republic
of Haiti prior to 1915. Heredity-mongers interested in proving the Negro’s inherent incapacity for self-government,
historians desirous of justifying the American intervention, the American government itself, and even Haitian
patriots have all dilated upon the opera-bo1ffe which ran almost interminably during the period of independence. In
support of this view Mr. H. P. Davis, the latest American historian of the “Black Democracy”, uses the following
typical language: “In one hundred eight years, 1807-1915 twenty-four executives held office. Seventeen of the twenty-four were deposed by revolutions, two of whom were murdered. Five of the twenty-four died in office, one at least by poison, one in the explosion of his palace, one on the eve of his overthrow by revolutionists. Two only of the twenty-four were allowed to retire peaceably from office; eleven of the twenty-four served for less than one year each. The six predecessors of President Dartiguenave averaged a little more than eight months each. Eight only succeeded in maintaining themselves in office during the period of their elected terms.”‘
These are facts, undeniable facts, whatever may be the extenuating circumstances invoked, the comparisons drawn.
Differences of opinion arise only when the reasons for them are sought. Is this instability reducible to a simple statement
that the Negro is not capable of self-government? Is it to be explained on the other hand in terms of the struggles
made by other young nations in their efforts to establish a stable government? These questions might, of course, provoke
a lengthy discussion of “race”, heredity, innate qualities, and environment.

Few Latin-American countries have been more cursed with “chronic wrongdoing and impotence” than the Republic of Haiti prior to 1915. Heredity-mongers interested in proving the Negro’s inherent incapacity for self-government, historians desirous of justifying the American intervention, the American government itself, and even Haitian patriots have all dilated upon the opera-bo1ffe which ran almost interminably during the period of independence. In support of this view Mr. H. P. Davis, the latest American historian of the “Black Democracy”, uses the following typical language:

“In one hundred eight years, 1807-1915 twenty-four executives held office. Seventeen of the twenty-four were deposed by revolutions, two of whom were murdered. Five of the twenty-four died in office, one at least by poison, one in the explosion of his palace, one on the eve of his overthrow by revolutionists. Two only of the twenty-four were allowed to retire peaceably from office; eleven of the twenty-four served for less than one year each. The six predecessors of President Dartiguenave averaged a little more than eight months each. Eight only succeeded in maintaining themselves in office during the period of their elected terms.”

These are facts, undeniable facts, whatever may be the extenuating circumstances invoked, the comparisons drawn. Differences of opinion arise only when the reasons for them are sought. Is this instability reducible to a simple statement that the Negro is not capable of self-government? Is it to be explained on the other hand in terms of the struggles made by other young nations in their efforts to establish a stable government? These questions might, of course, provoke a lengthy discussion of “race”, heredity, innate qualities, and environment. That, however, is not the purpose
of this paper. It seeks to show first, that the colonial history of Haiti was not conducive to the development of a system of education and that the revolution created even more difficulties for the establishment of such a system; second, that with the best intentions in the world the Haitians never developed an adequate system of education; third, that the system evolved was one of the primary factors in the revolutionary course of the country’s history. The remaining part of the paper will attempt to evaluate the program by which the American Occupation is endeavoring to promote stability through education.